|
By
Rubens C. Fernandes*
OUR CITY IS
THREATENED
The first meeting was in September, 1993, following two traumatizing incidents : the assassination of eight street children near the Candelaria Church in downtown Rio in July; and the assassination of 22 inhabitants of the Vigário Geral shanty-town in the northern area of the city in August. Both killings were carried out at dawn by policemen (Ventura, 1994).
These events dramatized, through their insanity, a climate tainted by various forms of insecurity: political (tensions between the State and Federal governments, as well as between the State Governor and the local elites), economical (losses during the decade of the eighties, in an inflationary context, aggravated by the prolonged negative effects of the transfer of the country's capital to Brasilia), social (a deterioration of public services), an identity crisis (the "marvelous city" had now become a "divided city"). Urban violence, which increased during the eighties with the expansion of the drug trade, came to symbolize a generalized feeling of insecurity.
The first meeting brought together roughly thirty people who asked themselves what can be done? How can we react ? Chosen because they were opinion makers, the comprised a sui generis group: none of them held a government post and they came from the most diverse segments of society. These events dramatized, through their insanity, a climate tainted by various forms of insecurity: political (tensions between the State and Federal governments, as well as between the State Governor and the local elites), economical (losses during the decade of the eighties, in an inflationary context, aggravated by the prolonged negative effects of the transfer of the country's capital to Brasilia), social (a deterioration of public services), an identity crisis (the "marvelous city" had now become a "divided city"). Urban violence, which increased during the eighties with the expansion of the drug trade, came to symbolize a generalized feeling of insecurity.
The
seminar functioned as an investigative effort: a Citizen's
Committee met during two weeks interviewing specialists. About
forty people representative of the city (industrialists, trade
unionists, community leaders, intellectuals, sports figures,
cultural figures, the media, victims of violence), unfamiliar
with questions of public security, listened to and questioned
experts, assisted by a team systematically recording the
discussions. Two questions guided the interviews: What can be
done in the short term to reduce the rate of violence ? and How
can we, who are not a part of the government, help out ?
Discussions about the overall causes of violence or
on global solutions were avoided. We we seeking
specific and practical suggestions. From this seminar emerged
the working agenda which guided Viva Rio in its first steps.
BUILDING
IN COMMOM A FUTURE FOR OUR CITY
A
public rally was scheduled for noon, on Friday, December 17th,
with the slogan: Make
Time for Rio - Stop to Begin Again . People were asked
to dress in white, to hang white banners from their windows and
cars, and to stop for two minutes, wherever they may find
themselves at that specific time, whether at home, in the street,
or at work. The goal was to silence the city, right in the
middle of the day, so that it could reflect upon itself. The
appeal was met with emotion, the rally was a surprising success,
and a strong identity with a peace-making intent, was created.
Dressing in white during civic events came to symbolize a
committment to a common future for the city.
The prayers took place on the following day, Saturday the 18th,
in several traditional public squares in central Rio de Janeiro.
It was not an ecumenical ritual. On the contrary, the plurality
of faiths was highlighted, with each tradition taking part and
commemorating in its own manner. Twenty four religious faiths
were present, demonstrating the cosmopolitan nature of an urban
center such as Rio. Despite and beyond their differences, they
evoked the unity of the city, obtained through the diffuse sum
of its various components.
In summary, the first steps of Viva Rio defined its profile: an
eclectic movement combining pragmatic rationalism within a
symbolic framework for an intense appeal to the desire for peace
in the city.
THE COORDINATING COUNCIL: PRIVATE ORGANISATIONS FOR PUBLIC
INTEREST
Viva Rio is directed by
a Coordinating Council comprised of nineteen members which meets
regularly, roughly on a monthly basis, to guide its actions. The
group, as was already mentioned, is of a singular nature.
It
includes business and trade union leaders, the cultural elite and
those from the shanty-towns, rival newspapers, Catholics and
Evangelicals, of diverging political and partisan sympathies (1).
How can such an eclectic group sustain itself in the long run? I
can find six reasons : the personal and voluntary nature of
participation, its non-governmental and non-partisan
characteristic, the local focus of its mandate, a common basic
agenda, the impact of its actions on public life, and a pro-active
attitude.
Voluntary -
It is
individuals who are participating, not institutions.
They
are there because they want to be there, not because they are
complying with a professional obligation. They were selected, at
the onset, through a spontaneous process of personal involvement,
and later through a non-transferable invitation. The Council
characterizes itself by its informal atmosphere which keeps it
away from the constraints of institutional representation. The
decisions which are taken there do not necessarily compromise
other organizations its members are associated with. The are free,
therefore, to decide on behalf of themselves. On the other hand,
they are there precisely because each one brings with him or her,
in their own way, a symbolic heritage, which when mobilized, makes
a difference in public life.
From different and unequal social backgrounds, the councilors
however, are all the same when it comes to the influence they have
over an important segment of the city, and for this reason they
are mutually respected. They are not representatives,
however, nor is Viva Rio. It is a valid institution because of
what it does, as the free expression of a group of people who get
together to decide to do something.
Non-governmental
- No
councilor holds a government post. If someone from the group
decides to undertake a political career, they should request their
dismissal, as has occurred. Viva Rio brings together people who
take part in public life through non-governmental frameworks.
Working together, they give visibility to the concept of
participative civil society (or the third sector).
Although they maintain affinities with different partisan
tendencies, they understand that these must be set aside within
the context of Viva Rio. That they are capable of setting aside
these preferences, even during heated public debates in electoral
periods, is proof that for them, being able to build together
their own framework of civic albeit non-partisan participation, is
an important part of their convictions.I would even say that Viva Rio has for them, as it has for
public opinion in general, the merit of being an experience. Heirs
of a tradition which directly linked public life to political
loyalty, in Viva Rio they are demonstrating that there exists
another possibility, where one distinguishes levels and frameworks
for participation. Moreover, they are committed to the belief that
Viva Rio cannot develop into a political movement in the strict
sense of the word. The symbolic heritage it has acquired should be
rigorously reinvested to strengthen non-partisan frameworks for
participation. This non-governmental characteristic
does not imply an anti-government posture. On the
contrary, the group believes in theory and has proven in practice,
that civilian initiatives in the long run, depend upon the smooth
functioning of State institutions.
Of
the City - The local focus is fundamental to its identity. Its
goal is Rio de Janeiro, and within the city, its sub-regions,
neighbourhoods and communities. This being a city of wide
visibility, Viva Rio became known nationally, maintains frequent
dialogue with other states, and has begun to evolve in
international forums, but its reference and its area of action is
the city of Rio or other cities within the State of Rio de
Janeiro. In 1998, Viva Rio worked with 34 cities within the state.
To become involved with the local drama and to mobilise the
inhabitants on behalf of their neighbourhood and their city
represents a cultural innovation as opposed to a traditional
approach focusing on the drama of the nation. Viva Rio and the
Strategic Plan for the City of Rio de Janeiro have
demonstrated in these past four years, that the local level is a
privileged field for the exercise of citizenship. There is nothing
to prevent the creation of a Viva Brazil, but having
the city as a horizon for action facilitates and makes concrete
the notion of sharing, beyond differences, a common arena of
problems and solutions to be implemented.
Basic Agenda
- The
eclectic nature of the group implies several restrictions as to
what can be said and done in its name. One is not there amongst
equals. The prejudices and affinities are not equally distributed.
Despite the informality, there is still a certainly ceremonial
aspect to the group. There are also several issues of importance
to the city which end up being avoided during the Council's
deliberations. Investments in nuclear energy (Angra I and II) for
example, is an issue which does not get much play in its meetings.
Neither does the issue of selling to the private sector
state-owned firms. The topics which divide the group are simply
avoided. If an issue generates controversy, it is not there, at
the Viva Rio Council, that it will be thrashed out. The Council
works by consensus and it is not expected to make a statement or
act upon every issue of importance. It does not have a systematic
framework. It functions amongst ambiguity and multiple
interpretations. What it does seek out is to firmly establish
principles and goals, which although basic, are fundamental to the
city as a whole and for this very reason, are worthy of
generalized acceptance. The strategy of consensus produces a
dynamic experience, full of difficult moments, sometimes acute
tensions, with variations on what is and what is not considered to
be consensual. This does manifest itself through a charter of
principles, but rather by a process of mutual consultations,
through which a common sense is modified, evolves, and
imposes itself. The Council exercises, therefore, the art of
creating positive relationships between the various segments and
opinions which comprise the city. Obviously, these segments which
comprise the city are not all there; but starting from this group
a step towards bringing people together can be taken in
practically all directions.
Wide
Visibility - Without a doubt, participating in Viva Rio has
been stimulating because of its impact. Each year so far, in 1994,
1995, 1996 and 1997, there were thousands of articles about its
work in the Brazilian print media; on an average, more than three
articles per day. The presence of Viva Rio in radio programs, on
television and on the internet is also intense. Viva Rio would be
unthinkable without the media. The participation of the Directors
of four newspapers (Gazeta Mercantil, Jornal do Brasil, O Dia, O Globo) in the Coordinating Council makes a difference, but there are
other reasons which explain this as well. A monthly lunch with the
editors and columnists of various national and foreign press
bodies working in Rio de Janeiro (roughly 25 people) created the
habit of discussing the background to the articles which are news
items in the city. With this lunch, offered by the owner of a
restaurant, who is a member of the Council, we bring together
important personalities in direct contact with the corps of the
media intermediaries, those who write the news daily. Thus there
is created, through a process of repetition, a qualified circuit
for dialogue which in the final analysis, establishes a certain
interpretive familiarity with the news desks. More importantly,
however, Viva Rio works in a style which expresses itself in
events of journalistic interest. Viva Rio produces events. Amongst
the first three people hired as staff in 1994, the first was a
press attaché and the second was a producer of events.
Advertising agents have attended meetings of the Coordinating
Council since the beginning and regularly contribute, in a
voluntary manner, to campaigns launched by Viva Rio. The word
campaign is associated with communication which takes
place in the political field as well as through advertising
campaigns. Advertising agents deal with marketing through their
campaigns and are called upon to bring their communication know
how acquired in the market to the political sphere. Thus evolves a
form of public marketing and Viva Rio participates
through campaigns broadcast free of charge by the media. This
level of exposure requires constant attention, given that the
brand name Viva Rio is only valid as long as it is
considered to be credible.
Pro-Active
-
The initial questions (What can be done in the short term? and How
can we help ? ) remain the central guiding points of the movement.
The problems are identified, the protests taken into account, the
social drama is highlighted, but
rather than expressing this through the form of accusations and
denunciations, as was habitual in the speeches of social movements
during the Cold War era, the focus here is on finding and
elaborating positive proposals. Viva Rio, by the very nature of
its name, has the obligation to think positively. This is a
limitation, certainly, given that drama and emotion thrive on
thinking negatively. In a critical context, however, overloaded
with negative images, as was the case of Rio de Janeiro at the
beginning of the nineties, the opening up of a positive horizon
gained general recognition. On the other hand, worn out generic
speeches gave way to an impatient demand for specific solutions.
In the current context, public statements are not valid if they
cannot point towards their implications in the form of results.
Positive proposals tend to bring together public opinion, albeit
in a different way, while negative ones tend to divide public
opinion.
Insisting
on this positive aspect, the Council of Viva Rio stands fewer
chances of being at odds with those who divide public opinion.
The
reasons for the consensus, mentioned above, do not exclude,
obviously, competition and conflict. The competition between the
newspapers is on a daily basis, as is the case between Catholics
and Evangelicals, and the trade unions continue to strike in Rio
de Janeiro. Strikes in the shipping industry involved difficult
negotiations between individuals who continue to meet cordially in
the Viva Rio Council meetings. Heated episodes occurred
threatening internal personal relationships. The existence of a
consensual forum, however, has appeared to be sufficiently valid
for all those to assure, to a certain extent, that it does not
disappear.
|