| There is a parallel to be
drawn here with the history of the idea of `development' and its
practice. For decades `development' was defined in universal terms and
thought of as a blueprint for the well-being of humankind. The
`developed' sat gloriously at the top of the Rostowian ladder which was
to be climbed by all human beings in order to attain `the good life'.
`Development' was supposed to be desirable and applicable anywhere, at
any time, for anyone. Unfortunately, however, this heroic ascension did
considerable damage to nature, cultures and people en route.
The universalist and therefore reductionist
approach in development thinking and practice ignored the historical
and cultural diversity of the various local environments targetted as
its `beneficiaries'. The many failures of large scale development
programmes, however, have slowly awakened a certain awareness of the
need for a more culture-sensitive approach to problem resolution.
The United Nations Decade for Cultural
Development (1988-1997) which (significantly) followed the UN Decade
for Women and Development and coïncided with the UN Conference in
Rio de Janeiro on Environment and Development, bears witness to the
inevitable recognition that `development' remains a myth as long as it
is not tailored to fit Our Creative Diversity, the title given
by the World Commission on Culture and Development, chaired by
Pérez de Cuellar, to its final report.
Many development projects for women were
initiated from outside by governmental or non-governmental agencies
with a view to improving women's socio-economic situation. Experiences
with these projects have made it more and more evident that women in
different parts of the world, belonging to different cultural contexts,
social classes and religions, may perceive their womanhood and their
life (partly) differently, may act on that perception (partly)
differently, and may even resist `integration' into a development model
which does not respond to their own perception of their own
aspirations. Key issues in such resistance are so-called `development'
programmes which violate natural resources, as demonstrated by the
Chipko movement in India, where women came out of the forests to
embrace the trees which were to be destroyed by development bulldozers.
The trend towards further differentiation can
be seen as characteristic of a new phase. Initially, the `women's
issue' (like the `development issue') tended to be stated in universal
terms: it was thought to be the only way to make the point sufficiently
powerfully. Now that the general analysis has to be applied to specific
micro-levels, it is the diversity of situations which becomes more
apparent, and — perhaps even more importantly — the
differences in perceptions and appreciations of these situations. It is
an attempt to explore this latter phenomenon and its implications that
has led to the production of this book. This exploration has been
conducted in a spirit of trying to understand rather than to explain.
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